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Army To Navy: Hey, We Already Get Less $$ Than You by Sydney Freedberg of Breaking Defense

Sydney J. Freedberg Jr. graphic from DOD data

WASHINGTON: As inter-service budget battles break into the open, Army Secretary Ryan McCarthy is defending his service.

Yesterday, the Chief of Naval Operations crossed a red line by publicly declaring: My service should get a larger share of the Pentagon budget at the expense of the other two. (The Navy Department includes the Marines). “One-third, one-third, one-third … isn’t necessarily aligned with where we need to go against the pacing threat that we face,” said Gilday, a clear reference to China.

“Well, it’s not one-third, one-third, one-third,” Army Secretary McCarthy said at a press breakfast this morning. “The actual math: the US Army is 24 percent, so we have less than the other services.”

Army photo

Army Secretary Ryan McCarthy

But even 24 percent is overstated, McCarthy continued: “It’s really like 22 percent, because 2 percent of our budget is to finance operations in the Middle East.”

Nor is it just the Middle East where the Army is in high demand, even if you don’t see tanks on the ground, because the Army regularly provides the Air Force, Marines and Navy with logistics, communications and other supporting infrastructure.

“The largest demand signal … is for US Army capabilities,” he said: “We’re 60 percent of combatant commanders’ requirements worldwide,” with the Air Force, Navy, and Marines making up the other 40 percent.

So does the Army need a larger share of the budget? McCarthy would only say: “Demand is incredibly high. This is simple economics, [so] you’ve got to continue to bring more capability to supply [that demand].

“This is a tough fiscal environment,” he said. “I don’t want to get into fights with other services about topline budgets — everybody needs budget increases year to year — …but it is not a one-third, one-third, one-third split. Not even close.”

The Real Numbers

The Army definitely gets less money than the other two services. But does it get about one-third of the budget, or less than a quarter? As in many math problems, the answer is “Yes.” Either figure is true, sort of, depending on what you count.

Let’s look at the budget numbers for 2019 and 2020. (For ’19 we’ll use final figures as enacted by Congress; for ’20 we’ll use the Pentagon’s request because, while the final appropriations bill passed, it uses different categories than the Pentagon figures so getting an apples to apples comparison could take days).

It is absolutely true that the Army gets less money than either the Air Force or the Navy Department (which, again, includes the Marines). In 2019, the Army got 8.6 percent less than the Navy and 7.3 percent less than the Air Force. In 2020, the Army actually did a little better: 6.9 percent less than the Navy, 6.5 percent less than the Air Force.

Sydney J. Freedberg Jr. graphic from DOD data

Those are significant differences, but not dramatic. When you count each service’s share of what the services get, it does come out, as Adm. Gilday said, to just about one-third each – though the Army gets a little less than a third and the other services get a little more. So in 2019, the Army got 31.5 percent, the Navy 34.5 percent, and the Air Force 34.0 percent. In 2020, the Army did a hair better, with 31.8 percent, versus the Navy’s 34.2, with the Air Force still at 34.0.

But the total amount the three services get is not the total Pentagon budget. There’s also the so-called “fourth estate,” a vast collection of joint and independent entities within the Defense Department. That’s everything from the Office of the Secretary of Defense to the Defense Information Systems Agency. Historically, the fourth estate has grown, but in recent years there’s been a deliberate effort to curb it. Its share of the total defense budget has gone down slightly, from 17.2 percent in 2019 to 16.2 percent in 2020.

Adm. Mike GIlday

If you count each service’s share of the total defense budget, then none of them gets anywhere near a third – although the Army comes out worst. In 2019, with the fourth estate share at 17.2 percent, the Army got 26.1 percent, the Navy 28.6 percent, and the Air Force 28.5. In 2020, with the fourth estate down to 16.2, the Army got 26.6, the Navy 28.6, and the Air Force 28.5.

There are still other ways to count these numbers. For example, the figures we used include Overseas Contingency Operations (OCO) and “emergency” funding. If you just count the base budget, the Army’s share drops further, to 21.9 percent in 2020, and to 23.6 in 2019. That’s presumably where Sec. McCarthy’s 24 percent comes from. But since all sorts of long-term investments have found their way from the base budget into OCO, not just urgent combat expenses, it’s really more accurate to count both, as we did above.

Bottom line: By any measure, the Army gets a smaller share than the other services. Those differences are measured in a few percentage points, true, but with the 2020 defense budget at $718 billion, one percent is $7.2 billion.

One percent of the Pentagon budget happens to be the amount Adm. Gilday said yesterday would be really, really, really useful to shore up the Navy’s shipbuilding budget as the service struggles to construct the immensely expensive Columbia-class nuclear missile submarines. It’s worth noting that while the Navy and Air Force have to spend heavily on nuclear deterrence, the Army has not had nukes for decades – part of the argument for its having a smaller share.

McCarthy is understandably unsympathetic to Gilday’s idea. After all, McCarthy and other top leaders spent months running the Army budget through the wringer as part of a painful “night court” process that cut or cancelled over 180 programs, all so they could fund their highest-priority programs within the budget share they had, rather than asking for more at others’ expense.

“We had to be ruthless,” he said. “The Army, we’ve really figured it out in a flat environment, because our leadership team was committed to making very had choices. The last two budgets, we’re cutting billions of dollars across the FYDP to be able to finance our initiatives.” In the Army’s Future Year Defense Plan for 2020-2024, it slashed $33 billion from lower-priority programs to plus-up the 31 most important systems. The 2021-2025 budget is not yet out, but McCarthy has said the Army found another $10 billion or so.

And while the biggest cuts came early on, the grueling process has to continue, especially as the Army’s 31 prototype programs move into the much more expensive production phase. For the foreseeable future, McCarthy said, “we’re going to have to do night court whether I’m in this job or not.”

Every cut hurts some constituency within the Army, its contractors, and Congress. So McCarthy probably doesn’t have a lot of patience for anyone saying they can’t possibly find funding within their own budget.

Original article can be found here.

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JUST IN: Defense Department to Stand Up New Counter-Drone Office by Yasmin Tadjdeh of National Defense Magazine

The Pentagon will soon stand up a counter-unmanned aerial system office that will be headed by the Army, said the Defense Department’s top weapons buyer Jan. 14.

Following the Dubai Air Show in November, Undersecretary of Defense for Acquisition and Sustainment Ellen Lord visited numerous locations across the Middle East including U.S. military installations in Iraq and Afghanistan.

“The thing that was really top of everybody's mind were counter-UAS,” she said during a meeting with reporters hosted by George Washington University’s Project for Media and National Security in Washington, D.C. “We see that small UAS are becoming a more popular weapon of choice … [and] we need to be agile and pivot to that challenge.”

Pentagon leaders recently decided to designate the Army as the executive agent for counter-drone technologies, Lord said. The new office will be stood up in Arlington, Virginia, in the Crystal City neighborhood. It will be staffed by around 60 people.

“We are just finishing off on the policy that directs the activities,” she said.

The office will examine the many counter-UAS efforts across the Defense Department and come up with three to five systems that are best for the military writ large and make sure they are effectively leveraged, Lord said.

The Defense Department is bringing together a number of organizations, including the office of the director of operational test and evaluation and Defense Digital Service, to work on the effort.

Robert Behler, the head of DOT&E, has a group conducting independent tests and evaluation of currently fielded systems, Lord noted.

“Come April we will have that evaluation completed and written up. And that coincides [with] when we want to make some decisions about downselecting ... to the three to five systems that would be utilized,” she said.

The department is examining a variety of sensor modalities and defeat mechanisms.

“One size does not fit all,” Lord said. “You need a system with multiple sensors ... or defeat systems. And the key is really the command-and-control and then the communication across theater.”

The office aims to thwart both small and large adversary UAS, she added.

Countering rogue and enemy drones has long been an objective for the Defense Department, but recent high-profile events have thrown the technology into the spotlight. That includes an alleged Iranian attack on Saudi Aramaco facilities in September using unmanned aircraft.

“One of the challenges is that we know that the adversary is very agile and updates their [tactics, techniques and procedures] ... very quickly,” Lord said. “We are looking at a very nimble system where we can push patches in the same day, if you will, so that we again can stay ahead of" the threat.

The Pentagon is gung-go about tackling the issue, and senior leadership involvement and funding are increasing, she noted.

In terms of the industrial base, counter-UAS is one of the acquisition and sustainment office's four key focus areas, Lord said. Others include microelectronics, 5G networks and hypersonics.

The department plans to establish a hypersonics "war room."

“We just decided last week that we would stand up a hypersonics war room to begin to look at the defense industrial base and begin to have different companies [come] in,” Lord said.

The technology is the Pentagon's top research-and-development priority and it plans to buy large numbers of systems when they are mature enough to be fielded.

Last week, Secretary of the Army Ryan McCarthy said missile manufacturers and other suppliers need to do more to boost their hypersonics manufacturing capability.

“What we need to see is industry step up,” he said Jan. 10 during remarks at the Brookings Institution. “They've got to come forward and … first and foremost, invest the time to work with our national lab network to understand how we've come forward with these technologies. But they're going to have to make investments to be able to produce these at scale.”

— Additional reporting by Jon Harper

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Foggo: Russia, China on the Move, From the Arctic to the Med by Otto Kreisher of Seapower Magazine

The commander of U.S. and allied naval forces in Europe and Africa said he is dealing with increased activities by both Russia and China in his vast area of responsibility — which stretches from the Arctic to the southern tip of Africa — despite a shortage of resources.

“We do the best we can with what we have,” Adm. James G. Foggo III, commander, U.S. Forces Europe and Africa, and commander, Allied Joint Forces Command Naples, said Dec. 18.

“It’s an extremely large tactical area” and “setting priorities is the biggest challenge — where do you go,” Foggo said. He must look at the entire theater, which covers all of Europe, the Mediterranean and Black seas, the Baltics, the Arctic and Eastern Atlantic, down to the Cape of Good Hope.

“When there are tensions, you try to go where the tensions are” or respond to something that might threaten allies. “You have to be flexible, agile.”

A career submariner, Foggo said the Russians are operating some very capable submarines in the Black Sea and the Mediterranean, including new Kilo-class diesel-electric boats, which are very quiet. “It’s important we know where they are because they have Kalibr (cruise) missiles that can reach anywhere in Europe.” He said Russia also is building anti-access, area-denial capabilities in Crimea, installing anti-ship cruise missiles and S-300 and S-400 advanced air- and missile-defense weapons.

Although he seldom gets a carrier strike group in his theater, due to the focus on the Persian Gulf and the Pacific, Foggo praised the Virginia-class fast attack subs he gets, which “move very fast” so he can put them where he needs them.

“We’re very, very busy in the undersea domain, busiest I’ve ever seen,” he said. “We are challenged by resources,” although the nation has been “very generous” in defense funding. “But we’re in a great power competition,” he added, citing Russia and China. “We still maintain the competitive edge and need to do so.”

Although Russia is operating frequently all around his AOR, China is mainly active in Africa, buying access and support with loans and construction projects that frequently come with demands for long-term access to ports, such as in Djibouti, where it has a large military facility next door to the U.S. base.

China also is increasingly active in the Arctic, where Russia is trying to create dominance as the polar ice cap shrinks, Foggo said. “We’ve seen much more Chinese activity up there than before,” and Russia and China “are collaborating in the Arctic.”

Foggo noted the value of the allied and partner nations that contribute to security in his command area, the increased defense spending by NATO nations and the recent re-establishment of the U.S. 2nd Fleet in Norfolk and the Joint Forces command in Naples in response to the Russian threat.

While noting the lack of unprofessional or unsafe activities by Russian forces for several months, Foggo cited the “unsafe” activities of a Russian spy vessel currently operating close to the U.S. Atlantic coast and refusing to respond to radio contact and sailing without running lights at night.

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North Korea Could Fire Long-Range Missile: U.S. General by Ryota Dei of Jiji Press

Washington, Dec. 17 (Jiji Press)--North Korea could fire a long-range ballistic missile in the coming weeks in what it described as a "Christmas gift" to the United States, Gen. Charles Brown, commander of U.S. Pacific Air Forces, suggested on Tuesday.
The comments by Brown came after North Korea said earlier this month that it is up to the United States what Christmas gift it will choose to get at a time when denuclearization talks between Washington and Pyongyang have stalled.
"Some type of long-range ballistic missile would be the gift," Brown told Jiji Press and some other media outlets in Washington.
"You can listen to the rhetoric and various tests that occurred over the past week or two that are all indications that there's activity," Brown said of North Korea. "Their rhetoric precedes activity which precedes a launch," he said.
While stressing the importance of U.S. forces backstopping diplomatic efforts, Brown said that if the diplomatic efforts fall apart, "we've got to be ready."

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Why the US's top military commander in Europe goes to bed thinking about how to get around the continent by Chris Woody of Business Insider

Since Russia's 2014 incursion in Ukraine, NATO leaders have been focused on securing the alliance's eastern flank.

But defending that boundary and deterring threats to member countries there takes more than just deploying troops. It means moving them in and out, and, if necessary, reinforcing them, and that's something that's always on US and European military commanders' minds.

"I will tell you that when I go to sleep at night, it's probably the last thought I have, that we need to continue to improve upon, and we are, from a road, rail, and air perspective, in getting large quantities of hardware and software from west to east on continent," US Air Force Gen. Tod Wolters, head of US European Command, said at a Defense Writers Group breakfast in Washington, DC, on Tuesday.

The US, which has drawn down its forces in Europe since the end of the Cold War, has put particular focus on both returning to Europe in force and on moving those forces around the continent.

This has included working at ports not used since the Cold War and practicing to move personnel, vehicles, and material overland throughout Central and Eastern Europe.

"We're improving, but I will tell you, as a supreme allied commander of Europe and a commander of US EUCOM, I'm just not satisfied," Wolters said. "It's got to continue to get better and better and better, and we are dedicating tremendous energy to this very issue."

"In US EUCOM, we have directors, which are flag officers that work for me, and they're called J codes, and our J4 is our logistician, and he's a Navy flag officer, and he's probably one of the busiest human beings on the European continent," Wolters added. "He gets to sleep about one hour a day, and his whole life exists from a standpoint of finding ways to improve our ability to move large quantities at speed from west to east in road, rail, and air, across the European continent."

The renewed focus on moving US and NATO forces around Europe has highlighted the obstacles posed by varying customs rules and regulations, insufficient infrastructure, and shortages of proper transport vehicles.

Those would be challenges for any peacetime mobilization and led NATO to conclude in a 2017 report that its ability to rapidly deploy around Europe had "atrophied since the end of the Cold War."

To correct that deficiency, NATO has stood up two new commands. One, Joint Forces Command in Norfolk, Virginia, will oversee movements across the Atlantic. The other, Joint Support Enabling Command based in Ulm in southern Germany, is responsible for movement on the ground in Europe.

"We've also recognized the need in NATO to improve in this area," Wolters said. "Through NATO command structure adaptation ... we elected to standup an entire new command called Joint Support Enabling Command, JSEC, and it's run by ... a NATO flag officer, and that commander's sole purpose in life is to nest with all the nations to find ways to improve our ability to move large resources at speed from west to east across the continent."

That will be on display during Defender Europe 20, the US Army's largest exercise in Europe in 25 years, which will involve 37,000 troops from 18 countries — including 20,000 US troops deployed from the US — and take place in 10 countries in Europe.

Defender Europe 20's actual drills won't take place until next year, but, Wolters said, "it's already started, because the benefit of a large exercise is all the planning that takes place beforehand."

"The strategic message is we can demonstrate our flexibility and adaptability to lift and shift large forces to any place on planet Earth to effectively deter ... and that's incredibly valuable," Wolters said.

But, he added, getting the logistics right on the ground may be the biggest obstacle.

"We want to make sure that from a border-crossing perspective and from a capability perspective in those 10 nations in particular that we've got it right with respect to our ability to lift and shoot and move and communicate with an exercise at speed," Wolters said.

"There will be some snags along the way. We will find things that we're not happy with. We will after-action review those. We will find remedies in the future, and when we have another large-scale exercise we'll demonstrate an ability to get through those snags ... and we'll just be that much quicker and that much faster in the future."

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Pentagon official says there are indications Iranian 'aggression' could occur by Idrees Ali of Reuters

WASHINGTON (Reuters) - A senior Pentagon official said on Wednesday there were indications that Iran could potentially carry out aggressive actions in the future, amid simmering tensions between Tehran and Washington.

Tensions in the Gulf have risen since attacks on oil tankers during the summer, including off the coast of the United Arab Emirates, and a major assault on energy facilities in Saudi Arabia. The United States has blamed Iran, which has denied being behind the attacks on global energy infrastructure.

“We also continue to see indications, and for obvious reasons I won’t go into the details, that potential Iranian aggression could occur,” John Rood, the Pentagon’s No. 3 official, told reporters.

Rood did not provide details about what information he was basing that on or any timeline.

“We’ve sent very clear and blunt signals to the Iranian government about the potential consequences of aggression,” Rood said.

Two U.S. officials, speaking on the condition of anonymity, said there was intelligence over the past month indicating that Iran was moving forces and weapons in the region.

It was not clear what specifically Iran was looking to do with the movements, they added.

One of the officials said that part of the concern was Iranian activity inside Iraq, which is experiencing anti-government protests.

Last year, Reuters reported that Iran had given ballistic missiles to Shi’ite proxies in Iraq and was developing the capacity to build more there to deter attacks on its interests in the Middle East and to give it the means to hit regional foes.

The United States has deployed thousands of additional military forces in the Middle East, including bombers and air defense personnel, to act as a deterrent against what Washington says is provocative Iranian behavior.

The U.S. officials said there were ongoing discussions about adding more U.S. troops in the region but that no decision had been made and the situation was fluid. They said the military regularly talked about forces around the world, including in the Middle East.

Iran has been facing weeks of sometimes violent protests against gasoline price hikes.

The unrest, which began on Nov. 15 after the government abruptly raised fuel prices by as much as 300 percent, spread to more than 100 cities and towns and turned political as young and working-class protesters demanded clerical leaders step down.

Tehran’s clerical rulers have blamed “thugs” linked to its opponents in exile and the country’s main foreign foes - the United States, Israel and Saudi Arabia - for the unrest.

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Bunch: USAF Can Build More B-21 Bombers Faster Without Renegotiating Contract by John Tirpak of Air Force Magazine

The Air Force can speed up production of the B-21 bomber and/or build more of the jets without having to renegotiate the original contract for the program with Northrop Grumman, Air Force Materiel Command chief Gen. Arnold Bunch said Nov. 21.

“We’ve got the contract structured in a manner that we can go higher” than the planned 100 aircraft, Bunch told defense reporters in Washington, D.C. “I’m not worried that we’ll have to go back and renegotiate that whole thing.” Bunch was one of the senior officials involved in structuring the highly classified B-21 contract when he was the top USAF uniformed acquisition chief in 2015.

He acknowledged that while the Air Force has “not come off” its oft-repeated requirement for “at least 100” B-21s, more are being contemplated.

“If you look at “the [Air] Force We Need’” analysis rolled out last year, “we know we need more long-range strike. And that’s the bomber force. So we know we’ve got to have that.”

The B-21 is still in development, and Bunch suggested that decisions about rate and final buy would come once the program enters the production phase.

Bunch declined to discuss the rate at which Northrop Grumman’s Palmdale, Calif., facility will be able to produce B-21s. “That’s something that we’ll look at later on. I believe we have the ability to ramp up, some, I just can’t tell you how much we can ramp up. And right now, the program’s staying on track.”

The B-21 contract was awarded in the fall of 2015. It calls for engineering and manufacturing development of the aircraft, plus the first five production lots, totaling 21 airplanes, at an overall cost of $21.4 billion. The production contract is governed by options that call for the jets to be produced at a unit cost not to exceed $550 million in base year 2010 dollars, which would be $647 million in today’s dollars.

At the time of the contract, the Air Force said it was eyeing a program of “80-100” new bombers. Two years later, the official wording changed to “at least 100 bombers,” and service leaders are now saying the figure could be around 156 airplanes. The “Air Force We Need” analysis calls for seven additional bomber squadrons, at an average size of eight aircraft per squadron. Chief of Staff Gen. David Goldfein in September asserted he is “in lockstep” with the conclusions of external think tanks that have suggested a larger bomber force is required, saying “I’m hoping we can … buy B-21s faster” and “accelerate in numbers.”

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British general says Turkey remains vital to NATO mission by Mike Glenn of The Washington Times

The British chairman of NATO’s Military Committee insisted that Turkey remains a vital part of the alliance, even with its controversial decisions to arm itself with Russian missiles and to invade a section of Syria that had been under Kurdish control.

Turkey has been an important ally of the alliance since the mid-1950s. That situation has not changed,” Air Chief Marshal Sir Stuart Peach told a group of defense writers on Wednesday.

Turkey has “legitimate security concerns” that are acknowledged by NATO, Air Chief Marshal Peach said, adding that the geostrategic reasons for adding Turkey to NATO more than 50 years ago haven’t changed. NATO’s Military Committee is essentially the board of directors of the alliance.

“The size and strength of the Turkish armed forces is a matter of record. Turkey is therefore an important NATO ally and plays a full role in the NATO command structure,” he said.

Turkish military forces have played an important role in NATO’s operations in Afghanistan and Iraq as well as the alliance’s support of the United Nations mission in Kosovo, Air Chief Marshal Peach said.

“The capabilities that Turkey brings to the (NATO) alliance is important,” he said. “Military-to-military relations with Turkey remain strong.”

Asked about reports Turkish forces may have committed what amount to war crimes in its incursion into northern Syria, Air Chief Marshal Peach observed that was not part of any NATO operation. There are measures in place to ensure NATO operations observe proper rules of engagement and the accepted rules of war, he added.

Original article can be found here.

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Hypersonic Weapons, Battle Management Now Part of Arsenal Plane Discussions by Rachel Cohen of Air Force Magazine

The years-old idea of an “arsenal plane,” a flying munitions truck that could accompany fighter jets and unmanned aircraft into battle, is now adapting to include the Air Force’s new technology pursuits.

As the Air Force evolves its thinking on the prospect of an arsenal plane—whether that be an existing bomber like the B-52, a cargo plane like the C-130, or something else entirely—top service officials are acknowledging the need to consider hypersonic weapons and new ideas in battle management.

Will Roper, the Air Force’s assistant secretary for acquisition, technology, and logistics, suggested at a Nov. 12 Defense Writers Group breakfast that the service’s bombers are evolving to fit the concept of an arsenal plane.

“If you look at our force going forward, a lot of the programs that we have are turning the bomber force into something else,” Roper said. “A B-52 with a lot of hypersonic weapons on it is, I will call it a bomber, but it's certainly not dropping things down—quite the opposite, right? It's almost a missileer instead of a bomber.”

Roper said he and Air Force Global Strike Command boss Gen. Timothy Ray have been moving through many reviews as the service works to put hypersonic weapons on the B-52. Global Strike is also exploring the idea of expanding the B-1’s weapons capacity from 24 to 40 munitions, according to an Air Force release, though the B-1 and B-2 are slated to retire in the coming decades, leaving the B-52 and the future B-21 to make up USAF’s bomber fleet.

In September, Ray told reporters the B-1 could carry hypersonic weapons on its external hard points and at least four internally, as well as ferry the Joint Air-to-Surface Standoff Missile, its extended-range variant, and the Long-Range Anti-Ship Missile.

“We’ve got to move from being the roving linebacker of the Middle Euphrates River Valley and [Regional Command North in Afghanistan] to being the roving linebacker of the North Atlantic and the Pacific—LRASM, JASSM-ER, hypersonics—and so we’re taking a very close look at how we might make that adjustment here very soon,” Ray said of bombers.

Ray told Air Force Magazine in a Nov. 13 interview that arsenal plane experiments will take place over the next few years, and will begin to tap into the broader, networked Advanced Battle Management System idea the service is pursuing.

“Some are are pretty sensitive, some are in the formative stage,” Ray said. “We're going to tie as aggressively as we can to where the air battle management, all-domain [command and control] experimentation game plan is going on for the United States Air Force, because you have to connect everything that shoots to this sensing and this kill chain grid that's under development.”

Roper indicated that what constitutes an arsenal plane may come down to how an aircraft is used, not only whether it offers a new design. That means planes outside the Air Force could fit the bill, too.

“Can we think more broadly, about how an airplane carrying a lot of weapons can be looked at?” Roper said. “There are a lot of other systems that are currently in development, even some outside of the Air Force, that seem to make sense. ... We want to take a broad look at, how does the standoff bomber work in the contested environment in a way that's complementary with the stand-in B-21?”

Original article can be found here.

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The National Nuclear Security Administration has already begun rebalancing its internal projects in response to the ongoing continuing resolution that keeps federal funding at fiscal year 2019 levels, according to a senior Energy Department official. "We're looking at where we can move funding insofar as CRs will allow us to do so," Lisa Gordon-Hagerty, DOE's Under Secretary for Nuclear Security and NNSA administrator, said during a Defense Writers Group breakfast today. Read more

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